SUBSTANTIVE ACT OF ACCUSATION
against the Perpetual Holders
of Public Jobs, Powers and Incomes



Esteemed Institution,

I hereby present an act of accusation against those who, afflicted by a grave conflict of interest, in order to retain a public job, power and income indefinitely, have never allowed the effective evolution of the Italian legal order from its original monarchical structure to a truly republican system.

These people have preserved the exclusive centrality of a minority, heeding the will of the few, instead of opening it to the contribution of the many. This failure, in the building of a true Republic, has kept Italy in a condition of inadequacy, leaving it unable to handle situations properly.

I am sending you this text because there is probably no country in the world that could not benefit from knowing what has happened in Italy, and from understanding how the obstacle that holds the entire world back can be overcome. I am sending you the exact text that I submitted to the Italian authorities.

May you find it useful.


STATEMENT OF FACTS AND ARGUMENTS

After the Second World War, once tyranny had fallen and the Republic had been declared, sovereignty was attributed to the people. But only words remained; the substance did not change. Bodies and Institutions should have been freed of the figure of the perpetual holder of a public job or power, and rethought in keeping with the solidaristic, participatory democratic principle: positions of collective interest entrusted pro tempore, so that many citizens might contribute to the public life of their Country. But public bodies and departments, jobs and powers, as well as incomes, were kept alien to that principle, which was meant to overcome the past.

Without erring, it may be affirmed that democracy is that societal order in which the people stand as sovereign and establish the res publica: an indivisible national co-ownership made up of codes, bodies and institutions, of goods, properties and resources, of jobs, powers and incomes. A common cultural, economic and experiential patrimony, to be cared for in solidarity and enjoyed on equal terms: through a regular succession pro tempore of competent and well-prepared citizens, or simultaneously where possible. In this way the people retain sovereignty over their fundamental common good. Democracy is not based on the vote: the vote follows from its true foundation, which is the temporariness of power. When power is returned to the people, new elections may take place. Every public role, whether office or power, remains vested in the people only through temporary assignment.

Republic and democracy are indissolubly linked words, two aspects of one and the same reality. Republic denotes the object: the public thing. Democracy expresses the process: the exercise of sovereignty through the pro tempore rule applied to the enjoyment of the public thing. They were not arbitrary terms. They designated an organization that was foreseeable, readily and methodically structurable. Could an irrelevant procedural formalism prevent us from arriving at a clear and precise interpretation, not merely descriptive but functional and implementable, of the two words most often invoked, yet never honored, in the past eight decades? Could these two basic concepts, which determine our daily life and our destiny, have been left obscure?


Those who first held public jobs, powers and incomes, and those who followed in the ensuing decades, should have placed Italians before the established fact: Republic is not the absence of a monarch but of any figure who claims to fill a public role without limit of time. Italians should have been informed of the co-owned nature of the public thing, and they should have been shown, expressly, the difference between maintaining the undemocratic practice of lifetime appointment and taking widespread part in the public life of the Country, through the orderly and competent exercise of temporary public jobs.

How could the perpetual retention of an office, of a public role, by some assure contemporary citizens a just parity of access? Should the same not be said of the politicians who spent their lives hopping from one throne to another? Should the birth of the Republic not have led those who have always presented themselves as experts and sages to clarify, first of all, these decisive aspects? A closed center, made up of people hired for an indefinite term and of continually re-elected politicians, isolates itself from the remaining part of society, which will be considered only secondarily to the interests of the former.


It is History that tells us how it was possible to set Italy on the path to becoming that affliction visible to all. The preparatory work for the Constituent Assembly had as its protagonists above all individuals who were stably embedded in the pre-existing authoritarian state organization. Afterwards the drafters of the Constitution, among whom such bureaucrats were not lacking, could hardly escape their influence. To this was added, plainly, the conflict of interest: those who wrote the rules of power granted themselves the prerogative to endure.

The institutional generations that followed should have set things right. But the opportunistic attachment of each of them to the permanent post has continued to silence consciences, even the most esteemed. Thus the much-proclaimed democratic participation has been reduced to a conflictual vote by which each of us picks a patron of our own, always facing an insurmountable wall of perpetual holders of public jobs, powers and, naturally, incomes, unwilling to return them to the sovereign people. Always having something else to do.

Continual emergencies to conceal the urgency which, once satisfied, would dissolve every problem. Divisive rights to hide the one that would have united everyone and satisfied each. An impenetrable transparency to prevent periodic renewal, a vital osmosis within the Institutions. A silent, complicit associationism to absorb and block participation within a centrality that should instead have been open and public. A practice of political involvement increasingly sustained by handouts of favors and even of public money, showered on all. Anything, so long as it remained outside parity. Anything, so long as the true Republic did not arise.


Bureaucrats and politicians alike, for eighty years, have had, in fact, one and the same interest, a common MOTIVE: the preservation of an order that assured them stable and unquestionable permanence. Nor was there any lack of OPPORTUNITY: hired for life in public employment, or politicians ambitious for continual relocation, they have enjoyed every power: educational and informational, legislative and fiscal, judicial and repressive. And so they were able to apply the METHOD: the preservation of a backward culture, the continual celebration of an uncritical past, and the obstruction of evolution. Generation after generation, bureaucrats and politicians have changed whatever was necessary so as not to change what mattered, keeping the Country petrified in its initial form. 


And so Italy still finds itself afflicted by an Italian-style “republic”, where many people’s trust in “democracy” is fading and, instead of advancing, the Country regresses. But important days are now coming. It is evident that what is set out here is no mere opinion but rests on visible facts: that public jobs have, as a rule, remained lifelong; that politicians leap from post to post, from assembly to assembly, from body to body, never leaving the res publica, always occupying a place in it, which is therefore unavailable to others; that the pro tempore principle has never become a general principle; that participation has remained a chimera. And the very last thirty years of the one who writes here demonstrate, on the other hand, that, since there exists a task decisive for the Country and for every citizen, one established as far back as Article 3 of the Constitution, this task could be accomplished. If the writer, lacking titles and institutional resources, has been able to conceive instruments such as the Unique Indicator of Democracy (1) and its attached Social Harmony Index (2), the Public Jobs Bank (3), a fundamental redistributive organ of the res publica, and the Patent for Societal Innovations (4), a system of incentives that moves everyone to seek what is just and fitting, why has a comparable result not emerged from the many authoritative figures hired for life and perpetually placed in office?

Even out of simple human curiosity, if not out of a scientist’s duty, how could words as evocative as republic and democracy be left devoid of substance? Beyond an intent already praiseworthy for the equity and justice it carries, they arise from humankind’s eternal attempt to find the best way to join individual interest to collective interest, so as to allow both, the individual and society, to live and prosper. And how could this be achieved without a continuous flow of nourishment to its most vital center, since it manages everything, through a turnover of persons, and hence of ideas, perceptions and sensibilities? If a mass of people subjected to a supreme tyrant and/or to lesser tyrants can never fully experience life, because always called back to the order and will of a minority, and both the individual and the collective will suffer for it, then a Society properly so called, conceived in common and consciously lived, in which each person has the means to report to the others what they see so that in agreement they arrive at a decision, will not see an opportunity lost and will know how to avoid problems before they even arise. Functionality is bound up with freedom.

And freedom comes from involvement.


THE OLIGARCHIC ROOT OF HUMAN DISORDER

Today human beings often appear confused and fallible, but this does not depend on any innate, ineluctable disposition. It is not humanity that is deficient, but the central organization that shapes it. Just as a defective biological nucleus compromises the functioning of the entire cell, so a societal centrality that is closed, isolated, and therefore afflicted by backwardness, falsehoods, omissions and improprieties that no one from outside can correct, propagates these through the population, conditioning it strongly. If instead the center opens itself to a continuous osmosis of information and of interests, then evolution, truth, completeness and rectitude will not find the way barred, and such signals will radiate everywhere, reorienting everyone toward correct behavior.


THE TIME OF THE REPUBLIC OF FULFILLED MEANING

The only explicit and absolute limit placed in the Italian Constitution on its revision is precisely the republican form. How could you, who were duty-bound, not seek, study and develop this supreme form?

How is it possible that the pro tempore rule has not been considered a fundamental democratic variable? How could you keep silent about the fact that the perpetual possession of a public role is the primary form of corruption?

Now all of you, surrounded as you are by ample evidence, bow before the reality of things and take on the commitment to give Italy a Republic of fulfilled meaning within a maximum limit of three years.


At the Republic Day three years from now, Italy must truly have it, no longer just a promise. Within one year let a Body be established to begin the regular renewal of the holders of public jobs and powers, and by the aforesaid Day let the first full turnover be completed, and the continuity of services guaranteed.

Now we proceed swiftly: https://Repubblica.hyperlinker.org


Esteemed Institution, with my most loyal, dutiful and respectful regards,

Danilo D'Antonio, citizen,
equal partner, co-owner
of the Republic of Italy

Activities of the Laboratorio Eudemonia
Val Vibrata, Teramo, Italy

At work uninterruptedly for thirty years
to see Art. 3 of the Constitution (equal dignity
and participation of all citizens) honored

mail: [email protected]
|sms: +39 339 5014947


NOTES

1. The Unique Indicator of Democracy reports the number of public roles, both operational and decision-making, that are regularly returned to the sovereign: the people. Besides providing a quantitative figure, by identifying the roles that fall short of the democratic rule, it at the same time supplies the quality of the democracy still to be realized.

2. The Social Harmony Index derives from the number of distinct persons who have succeeded one another in all public roles, operational and decision-making, over the span of a generation. A society tends toward harmony when many citizens take turns in managing the common thing. Fixity breeds incomprehension, movement concord.

3. The Public Jobs Bank is the organ that enables and regulates a continuous process of social osmosis. Whoever wishes to do so enrolls and presents themselves; the platform responds with a shortlist of employment possibilities (or even of legislative positions); the citizen books a place, aware of the duration and expiry of the mandate.

4. The Patent for Societal Innovations fills a gap that has brought humankind to ruin. Technological progress has advanced rapidly thanks to the guarantee of a reward following the use of an invention. Human progress has remained almost motionless: because there is no reward, but even punishment, for those who dare to truly advance. Whoever settles into the res publica, with a permanent post and an assured salary, has no interest in making humanity progress beyond the narrow perimeter that does not undermine their position. Yet the natural evolutionary order is precisely movement, change. Now, however, things change: innovators who offer more evolved societal operating procedures are paid handsomely, on a par with technological ones. Humankind, at last, advances.


The entire framework is developed and available
starting from the address already given:
https://Repubblica.hyperlinker.org

Thirty years of constant commitment — open letters, programmatic documents and direct correspondence in all the major languages and on every continent. Italy has once again become a reference point of substance.

Internet - 20/10/57 EarthCal.date